A History of China by Wolfram Eberhard (read a book .TXT) 📕

on economic problems have been translated in E-tu Zen Sun and J. de Francis, Chinese Social History, Washington 1956.—Data on the size of early cities have been collected by T. Sekino and Kat[=o] Shigeru.

p. 56: T. Sekino studied the forms of cities. C. Hentze believes that the city even in the Shang period normally had a square plan.—T. Sekino has also made the first research on city coins. Such a privilege and such independence of cities disappear later, but occasionally the privilege of minting was given to persons of high rank.—K.A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism, New Haven 1957 regards irrigation as a key economic and social factor and has built up his theory around this concept. I do not accept his theory here or later. Evidence seems to point towards the importance of transportation systems rather than of government-sponsored or operated irrigation systems.—Concerning steel, we follow Yang K'uan; a special study by J. Needham is under preparation. Centre of steel production at this time was Wan (later Nanyang in Honan).—For early Chinese law, the study by A.F.P. Hulsewé, Remnants of Han Law, Leiden 1955 is the best work in English. He does not, however, regard Li K'ui as the main creator of Chinese law, though Kuo Mo-jo and others do. It is obvious, however, that Han law was not a creation of the Han Chinese alone and that some type of code must have existed before Han, even if such a code was not written by the man Li K'ui. A special study on Li was made by O. Franke.

p. 57: In the description of border conditions, research by O. Lattimore has been taken into consideration.

p. 59: For Shang Yang and this whole period, the classical work in English is still J.J.L. Duyvendak, The Book of Lord Shang, London 1928; the translation by Ma Perleberg of The Works of Kung-sun Lung-tzu, Hongkong 1952 as well as the translation of the Economic Dialogues in Ancient China: The Kuan-tzu, edited by L. Maverick, New Haven 1954 have not found general approval, but may serve as introductions to the way philosophers of our period worked. Han Fei Tz[)u]; has been translated by W.K. Liao, The Complete Works of Han Fei Tz[)u], London 1939 (only part 1).

p. 60: Needham does not have such a positive attitude towards Tsou Yen, and regards Western influences upon Tsou Yen as not too likely. The discussion on pp. 60-1 follows mainly my own researches.

p. 61: The interpretation of secret societies is influenced by general sociological theory and detailed reports on later secret societies. S. Murayama and most modern Chinese scholars stress almost solely the social element in the so-called "peasant rebellions".

Chapter Five

p. 63: The analysis of the emergence of Ch'in bureaucracy has profited from general sociological theory, especially M. Weber (see the new analysis by R. Bendix, Max Weber, an Intellectual Portrait, Garden City 1960, p. 117-157). Early administration systems of this type in China have been studied in several articles in the journal Yü-kung (vol. 6 and 7).

p. 65: In the discussion of language, I use arguments which have been brought forth by P. Serruys against the previously generally accepted theories of B. Karlgren.—For weights and measures I have referred to T. Sekino, Liu Fu and Wu Ch'eng-lo.

p. 66: For this period, D. Bodde's China's First Unifier, Leiden 1938 and his Statesman, Patriot, and General in Ancient China, New Haven 1940 remain valuable studies.

Chapter Six

p. 71: The basic historical text for this whole period, the Dynastic History of the Han Dynasty, is now in part available in English translation (H.H. Dubs, The History of the Former Han Dynasty, Baltimore 1938, 3 volumes).

p. 72: The description of the gentry is based upon my own research. Other scholars define the word "gentry", if applied to China, differently (some of the relevant studies are discussed in my note in the Bull. School of Orient. & African Studies, 1955, p. 373 f.).

p. 73: The theory of the cycle of mobility has been brought forth by Fr. L.K. Hsu and others. I have based my criticism upon a forthcoming study of Social Mobility in Traditional Chinese Society. The basic point is not the momentary economic or political power of such a family, but the social status of the family (Li-shih yen-chiu, Peking 1955, No. 4, p. 122). The social status was, increasingly, defined and fixed by law (Ch'ü T'ung-tsu).—The difference in the size of gentry and other families has been pointed out by a number of scholars such as Fr. L.K. Hsu, H.T. Fei, O. Lang. My own research seems to indicate that gentry families, on the average, married earlier than other families.

p. 74: The Han system of examinations or rather of selection has been studied by Yang Lien-sheng; and analysis of the social origin of candidates has been made in the Bull. Chinese Studies, vol. 2, 1941, and 3, 1942.—The meaning of the term "Hundred Families" has been discussed by W. Eichhorn, Kuo Mo-jo, Ch'en Meng-chia and especially by Hsü T'ung-hsin. It was later also a fiscal term.

p. 75: The analysis of Hsiung-nu society is based mainly upon my own research. There is no satisfactory history of these northern federations available in English. The compilation of W.M. MacGovern, The Early Empires of Central Asia, Chapel Hill 1939, is now quite antiquated.—An attempt to construct a model of Central Asian nomadic social structure has been made by E.E. Bacon, Obok, a Study of Social Structure in Eurasia, New York 1958, but the model constructed by B. Vladimirtsov and modified by O. Lattimore remains valuable.—For origin and early-development of Hsiung-nu society see O. Maenchen, K. Jettmar, B. Bernstam, Uchida Gimpu and many others.

p. 79: Material on the "classes" (sz[)u] min) will be found in a forthcoming book. Studies by Ch'ü T'ung-tsu and Tamai Korehiro are important here. An up-to-date history of Chinese education is still a desideratum.

p. 80: For Tung Chung-shu, I rely mainly upon O. Franke.—Some scholars do not accept this "double standard", although we have clear texts which show that cases were evaluated on the basis of Confucian texts and not on the basis of laws. In fact, local judges probably only in exceptional cases knew the text of the law or had the code. They judged on the basis of "customary law".

p. 81: Based mainly upon my own research. K.A. Wittfogel, Oriental Despotism, New Haven 1957, has a different interpretation.

p. 82: Cases in which the Han emperors disregarded the law code were studied by Y. Hisamura.—I have used here studies published in the Bull, of Chinese Studies, vol. 2 and 3 and in Tôyô gakuho, vol. 8 and 9, in addition to my own research.

p. 85: On local administration see Kat[=o] Shigeru and Yen Keng-wang's studies.

p. 86: The problem of the Chinese gold, which will be touched upon later again, has gained theoretical interest, because it could be used as a test of M. Lombard's theories concerning the importance of gold in the West (Annales, Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, vol. 12, Paris 1957, No. 1, p. 7-28). It was used in China from c. 600 B.C. on in form of coins or bars, but disappeared almost completely from A.D. 200 on, i.e. the period of economic decline (see L.S. Yang, Kat[=o] Shigeru).—The payment to border tribes occurs many times again in Chinese history down to recent times; it has its parallel in British payments to tribes in the North-West Frontier Province in India which continued even after the Independence.

p. 88: According to later sources, one third of the tributary gifts was used in the Imperial ancestor temples, one third in the Imperial mausolea, but one third was used as gifts to guests of the Emperor.—The trade aspect of the tributes was first pointed but by E. Parker, later by O. Lattimore, recently by J.K. Fairbank.—The importance of Chang Ch'ien for East-West contacts was systematically studied by B. Laufer; his Sino-Iranica, Chicago 1919 is still a classic.

p. 89: The most important trait which points to foreign trade, is the occurrence of glass in Chinese tombs in Indo-China and of glass in China proper from the fifth century B.C. on; it is assumed that this glass was imported from the Near East, possibly from Egypt (O. Janse, N. Egami, Seligman).

p. 91: Large parts of the "Discussions" have been translated by Esson M. Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron, Leiden 1931; the continuation of this translation is in Jour. Royal As. Society, North-China Branch 1934.—The history of eunuchs in China remains to be written. They were known since at least the seventh century B.C. The hypothesis has been made that this custom had its origin in Asia Minor and spread from there (R.F. Spencer in Ciba Symposia, vol. 8, No. 7, 1946 with references).

p. 92: The main source on Wang Mang is translated by C.B. Sargent, Wang Mang, a translation, Shanghai 1950 and H.H. Dubs, History of the Former Han Dynasty, vol, 3, Baltimore 1955.

p. 93: This evaluation of the "Old character school" is not generally accepted. A quite different view is represented by Tjan Tjoe Som and R.P. Kramers and others who regard the differences between the schools as of a philological and not a political kind. I follow here most strongly the Chinese school as represented by Ku Chieh-kang and his friends, and my own studies.

p. 93: Falsification of texts refers to changes in the Tso-chuan. My interpretation relies again upon Ku Chieh-kang, and Japanese astronomical studies (Ijima Tadao), but others, too, admit falsifications (H.H. Dubs); B. Karlgren and others regard the book as in its main body genuine. The other text mentioned here is the Chou-li which is certainly not written by Wang Mang (Jung-chai Hsü-pi 16), but heavily mis-used by him (in general see S. Uno).

p. 94: I am influenced here by some of H.H. Dubs's studies. For this and the following period, the work by H. Bielenstein, The Restoration of the Han Dynasty, Stockholm 1953 and 1959 is the best monograph.—The "equalization offices" and their influence upon modern United States has been studied by B. Bodde in the Far Eastern Quarterly, vol. 5, 1946.

p. 95: H. Bielenstein regards a great flood as one of the main reasons for the breakdown of Wang Mang's rule.

p. 98: For the understanding of Chinese military colonies in Central Asia as well as for the understanding of military organization, civil administration and business, the studies of Lao Kan on texts excavated in Central Asia and Kansu are of greatest importance.

p. 101: Mazdaistic elements in this rebellion have been mentioned mainly by H.H. Dubs. Zoroastrism (Zoroaster born 569 B.C.) and Mazdaism were eminently "political" religions from their very beginning on. Most scholars admit the presence of Mazdaism in China only from 519 on (Ishida Mikinosuke, O. Franke). Dubs's theory can be strengthened by astronomical material.—The basic religious text of this group, the "Book of the Great Peace" has been studied by W. Eichhorn Maspero and Ho Ch'ang-ch'ün.

p. 102: For the "church" I rely mainly upon H. Maspero and W. Eichhorn.

p. 103: I use here concepts developed by Cheng Chen-to and especially by Jung Chao-tsu.

p. 104: Wang Ch'ung's importance has recently been mentioned again by J. Needham.

p. 105: These "court poets" have their direct parallel in Western Asia. This trend, however, did not become typical in China.—On the general history of paper read A. Kroeber, Anthropology, New York 1948, p. 490f., and Dard Hunter, Paper Making, New York 1947 (2nd ed.).

Chapter Seven

p. 109: The main historical sources for this period have been translated by Achilles Fang, The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, Cambridge, Mass. 1952; the epic which describes this time is C.H. Brewitt-Taylor, San Kuo, or Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Shanghai 1925.

p. 112: For problems of migration and settlement in the South, we relied in part upon research by Ch'en Yüan and Wang Yi-t'ung.

p. 114: For the history of the Hsiung-nu I am relying mainly upon my own studies.

p. 117: This analysis of tribal structure is based mainly upon my own research; it differs in detail from the studies by E. Bacon, Obok, a Study of Social Structure in Eurasia, New York 1958, B. Vladimirtsov, O. Lattimore's Inner Asian Frontiers of China, New York 1951 (2nd edit.) and the studies by L.M.J. Schram, The Monguors of the Kansu-Tibetan Frontier, Philadelphia 1954 and 1957.

p. 118: The use of the word "Huns" does not imply that we identify the early or the late Hsiung-nu with the European Huns. This question is still very much under discussion (O. Maenchen, W. Haussig, W. Henning, and others).

p. 119: For the history of the early Hsien-pi states see the monograph by G. Schreiber, "The History of the Former Yen Dynasty", in Monomenta Serica, vol. 14 and 15 (1949-56). For all translations from Chinese Dynastic Histories of the period between 220 and